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- A pregnant single woman (Roe)
brought a class action challenging the constitutionality of the Texas
criminal abortion laws, which proscribe procuring or attempting an
abortion except on medical advice for the purpose of saving the mother's
life.
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- A licensed physician (Hallford), who had two state abortion prosecutions
pending against him, was permitted to intervene.
- A childless married couple (the Does), the wife not being pregnant,
separately attacked the laws, basing alleged injury on the future
possibilities of contraceptive failure, pregnancy, unpreparedness for
parenthood, and impairment of the wife's health.
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- A three-judge District Court, which consolidated the actions, held that
Roe and Hallford, and members of their classes, had standing to sue and
presented justiciable controversies.
- Ruling that declaratory, though not injunctive, relief was warranted,
the court declared the abortion statutes void as vague and overbroadly
infringing those plaintiffs' Ninth and Fourteenth Amendment rights.
- The court ruled the Does' complaint not justiciable.
- Appellants directly appealed to this Court on the injunctive rulings,
and appellee cross-appealed from the District Court's grant of
declaratory relief to Roe and Hallford
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- 1. While 28 U.S.C. 1253 authorizes no direct appeal to this Court from
the grant or denial of declaratory relief alone, review is not
foreclosed when the case is properly before the Court on appeal from
specific denial of injunctive relief and the arguments as to both
injunctive and declaratory relief are necessarily identical.
- 2. Roe has standing to sue; the Does and Hallford do not.
- (a) Contrary to appellee's contention, the natural termination of Roe's
pregnancy did not moot her suit. Litigation involving pregnancy, which
is "capable of repetition, yet evading review," is an
exception to the usual federal rule that an actual controversy must
exist at review stages and not simply when the action is initiated.
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- The District Court correctly refused injunctive, but erred in granting
declaratory, relief to Hallford, who alleged no federally protected
right not assertable as a defense against the good-faith state
prosecutions pending against him. Samuels v. Mackell, 401 U.S. 66 . Pp.
125-127.
- (c) The Does' complaint, based as it is on contingencies, any one or
more of which may not occur, is too speculative to present an actual
case or controversy.
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- The Texas statutes under attack here are typical of those that have been
in effect in many States for approximately a century.
- We forthwith acknowledge our awareness of the sensitive and emotional
nature of the abortion controversy, of the vigorous opposing views, even
among physicians, and of the deep and seemingly absolute convictions
that the subject inspires.
- One's philosophy, one's experiences, one's exposure to the raw edges of
human existence, one's religious training, one's attitudes toward life
and family and their values, and the moral standards one establishes and
seeks to observe, are all likely to influence and to color one's
thinking and conclusions about abortion.
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- Our task, of course, is to resolve the issue by constitutional
measurement, free of emotion and of predilection.
- We seek earnestly to do this, and, because we do, we have inquired into,
and in this opinion place some emphasis upon, medical and medical-legal
history and what that history reveals about man's attitudes toward the
abortion procedure over the centuries.
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- We bear in mind, too, Mr. Justice Holmes' admonition in his
now-vindicated dissent in Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, 76 (1905):
- "[The Constitution] is made for people of fundamentally differing
views, and the accident of our finding certain opinions natural and
familiar or novel and even shocking ought not to conclude our judgment
upon the question whether statutes embodying them conflict with the
Constitution of the United States."
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- The principal thrust of appellant's attack on the Texas statutes is that
they improperly invade a right, said to be possessed by the pregnant
woman, to choose to terminate her pregnancy.
- Appellant would discover this right in the concept of personal
"liberty" embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process
Clause; or in personal, marital, familial, and sexual privacy said to be
protected by the Bill of Rights or its penumbras, see Griswold v.
Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965);
- or among those rights reserved to the people by the Ninth Amendment,
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S., at 486 (Goldberg, J., concurring).
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- Before addressing this claim, we feel it desirable briefly to survey, in
several aspects, the history of abortion, for such insight as that
history may afford us, and then to examine the state purposes and
interests behind the criminal abortion laws.
- It perhaps is not generally appreciated that the restrictive criminal
abortion laws in effect in a majority of States today are of relatively
recent vintage.
- Those laws, generally proscribing abortion or its attempt at any time
during pregnancy except when necessary to preserve the pregnant woman's
life, are not of ancient or even of common-law origin. Instead, they
derive from statutory changes effected, for the most part, in the latter
half of the 19th century.
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- The common law. It is undisputed that at common law, abortion performed
before "quickening" - the first recognizable movement of the
fetus in utero, appearing usually from the 16th to the 18th week of
pregnancy was not an indictable offense.
- The English statutory law. England's first criminal abortion statute,
came in 1803. It made abortion of a quick fetus a capital crime, but it
provided lesser penalties for the felony of abortion before quickening,
and thus preserved the "quickening" distinction.
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- This contrast was continued in the general revision of 1828.
- It disappeared, however, together with the death penalty, in 1837, and
did not reappear in the Offenses Against the Person Act of 1861 that
formed the core of English anti-abortion law until the liberalizing
reforms of 1967.
- In 1929, the Infant Life (Preservation) Act came into being. Its
emphasis was upon the destruction of "the life of a child capable
of being born alive." It made a willful act performed with the
necessary intent a felony. It contained a proviso that one was not to be
found guilty of the offense "unless it is proved that the act which
caused the death of the child was not done in good faith for the purpose
only of preserving the life of the mother."
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- It is apparent that at common law, at the time of the adoption of our
Constitution, and throughout the major portion of the 19th century,
abortion was viewed with less disfavor than under most American statutes
currently in effect.
- Phrasing it another way, a woman enjoyed a substantially broader right
to terminate a pregnancy than she does in most States today. At least
with respect to the early stage of pregnancy, and very possibly without
such a limitation, the opportunity to make this choice was present in
this country well into the 19th century. Even later, the law continued
for some time to treat less punitively an abortion procured in early
pregnancy.
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- In this country, the law in effect in all but a few States until
mid-19th century was the pre-existing English common law.
- Gradually, in the middle and late 19th century the quickening
distinction disappeared from the statutory law of most States and the
degree of the offense and the penalties were increased.
- By the end of the 1950's, a large majority of the jurisdictions banned
abortion, however and whenever performed, unless done to save or
preserve the life of the mother.
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- The anti-abortion mood prevalent in this country in the late 19th
century was shared by the medical profession.
- Indeed, the attitude of the profession may have played a significant
role in the enactment of stringent criminal abortion legislation during
that period.
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- Except for periodic condemnation of the criminal abortionist, no further
formal AMA action took place until 1967.
- In that year, the Committee on Human Reproduction urged the adoption of
a stated policy of opposition to induced abortion, except when there is
"documented medical evidence" of a threat to the health or
life of the mother, or that the child "may be born with
incapacitating physical deformity or mental deficiency," or that a
pregnancy "resulting from legally established statutory or forcible
rape or incest may constitute a threat to the mental or physical health
of the patient
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- In 1970, after the introduction of a variety of proposed resolutions,
and of a report from its Board of Trustees, a reference committee noted
"polarization of the medical profession on this controversial
issue";
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- In October 1970, the Executive Board of the APHA adopted Standards for
Abortion Services. These were five in number:
- "a. Rapid and simple
abortion referral must be readily available through state and local
public health departments,
medical societies, or other nonprofit organizations.
- "b. An important function of counselling should be to simplify and
expedite the provision of abortion services; it should not delay the
obtaining of these services.
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- "c. Psychiatric consultation should not be mandatory. As in the
case of other specialized medical services, psychiatric consultation
should be sought for definite indications and not on a routine basis.
- "d. A wide range of individuals from appropriately trained,
sympathetic volunteers to highly skilled physicians may qualify as
abortion counselors.
- "e. Contraception and/or sterilization should be discussed with
each abortion patient."
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- It has been argued occasionally that these laws were the product of a
Victorian social concern to discourage illicit sexual conduct.
- Texas, however, does not advance this justification in the present case,
and it appears that no court or commentator has taken the argument
seriously.
- The appellants and amici contend, moreover, that this is not a proper
state purpose at all and suggest that, if it were, the Texas statutes
are overbroad in protecting it since the law fails to distinguish
between married and unwed mothers.
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- A second reason is concerned with abortion as a medical procedure. When
most criminal abortion laws were first enacted, the procedure was a
hazardous one for the woman.
- This was particularly true prior to the development of antisepsis.
Antiseptic techniques, of course, were based on discoveries by Lister,
Pasteur, and others first announced in 1867, but were not generally
accepted and employed until about the turn of the century.
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- It has been argued that a State's real concern in enacting a criminal
abortion law was to protect the pregnant woman, that is, to restrain her
from submitting to a procedure that placed her life in serious jeopardy.
- Modern medical techniques have altered this situation. Appellants and
various amici refer to medical data indicating that abortion in early
pregnancy, that is, prior to the end of the first trimester, although
not without its risk, is now relatively safe. Mortality rates for women
undergoing early abortions, where the procedure is legal, appear to be
as low as or lower than the rates for normal childbirth.
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- Any interest of the State in protecting the woman from an inherently
hazardous procedure, except when it would be equally dangerous for her
to forgo it, has largely disappeared.
- Of course, important state interests in the areas of health and medical
standards do remain.
- The State has a legitimate interest in seeing to it that abortion, like
any other medical procedure, is performed under circumstances that
insure maximum safety for the patient.
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- Some of the argument for this justification rests on the theory that a
new human life is present from the moment of conception.
- The State's interest and general obligation to protect life then
extends, it is argued, to prenatal life. Only when the life of the
pregnant mother herself is at stake, balanced against the life she
carries within her, should the interest of the embryo or fetus not
prevail.
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- Logically, of course, a legitimate state interest in this area need not
stand or fall on acceptance of the belief that life begins at conception
or at some other point prior to live birth. In assessing the State's
interest, recognition may be given to the less rigid claim that as long
as at least potential life is involved, the State may assert interests
beyond the protection of the pregnant woman alone.
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- Parties challenging state abortion laws have sharply disputed in some
courts the contention that a purpose of these laws, when enacted, was to
protect prenatal life.
- Pointing to the absence of legislative history to support the
contention, they claim that most state laws were designed solely to
protect the woman.
- Because medical advances have lessened this concern, at least with
respect to abortion in early pregnancy, they argue that with respect to
such abortions the laws can no longer be justified by any state
interest. There is some scholarly support for this view of original
purpose
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- The Constitution does not explicitly mention any right of privacy. In a
line of decisions, however, the Court has recognized that a right of
personal privacy, or a guarantee of certain areas or zones of privacy,
does exist under the Constitution.
- This right of privacy, whether it be founded in the Fourteenth
Amendment's concept of personal liberty and restrictions upon state
action, as we feel it is, or, as the District Court determined, in the
Ninth Amendment's reservation of rights to the people, is broad enough
to encompass a woman's decision whether or not to terminate her
pregnancy.
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- The detriment that the State would impose upon the pregnant woman by
denying this choice altogether is apparent. Specific and direct harm
medically diagnosable even in early pregnancy may be involved.
- Maternity, or additional offspring, may force upon the woman a
distressful life and future. Psychological harm may be imminent. Mental
and physical health may be taxed by child care.
- .
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- There is also the distress, for all concerned, associated with the
unwanted child, and there is the problem of bringing a child into a
family already unable, psychologically and otherwise, to care for it.
- In other cases, as in this one, the additional difficulties and
continuing stigma of unwed motherhood may be involved. All these are
factors the woman and her responsible physician necessarily will
consider in consultation
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- On the basis of elements such as these, appellant and some amici argue
that the woman's right is absolute and that she is entitled to terminate
her pregnancy at whatever time, in whatever way, and for whatever reason
she alone chooses.
- With this we do not agree. Appellant's arguments that Texas either has
no valid interest at all in regulating the abortion decision, or no
interest strong enough to support any limitation upon the woman's sole
determination, are unpersuasive.
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- A State may properly assert important interests in safeguarding health,
in maintaining medical standards, and in protecting potential life.
- At some point in pregnancy, these respective interests become
sufficiently compelling to sustain regulation of the factors that govern
the abortion decision. The privacy right involved, therefore, cannot be
said to be absolute.
- Where certain "fundamental rights" are involved, the Court has
held that regulation limiting these rights may be justified only by a
"compelling state interest,"
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- In view of all this, we do not agree that, by adopting one theory of
life, Texas may override the rights of the pregnant woman that are at
stake.
- We repeat, however, that the State does have an important and legitimate
interest in preserving and protecting the health of the pregnant woman,
whether she be a resident of the State or a nonresident who seeks
medical consultation and treatment there, and that it has still another
important and legitimate interest in protecting the potentiality of
human life.
- These interests are separate and distinct. Each grows in substantiality
as the woman approaches term and, at a point during pregnancy, each
becomes "compelling."
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- (a) For the stage prior to approximately the end of the first trimester,
the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical
judgment of the pregnant woman's attending physician.
- (b) For the stage subsequent to approximately the end of the first
trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in the health of the
mother, may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that
are reasonably related to maternal health
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- (c) For the stage subsequent to viability, the State in promoting its
interest in the potentiality of human life may, if it chooses, regulate,
and even proscribe, abortion except where it is necessary, in
appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life or health
of the mother.
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- The Court's opinion brings to the decision of this troubling question
both extensive historical fact and a wealth of legal scholarship.
- While the opinion thus commands my respect, I find myself nonetheless in
fundamental disagreement with those parts of it that invalidate the
Texas statute in question, and therefore dissent.
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- While the Court's opinion quotes from the dissent of Mr. Justice Holmes
in Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, 74 (1905), the result it reaches is
more closely attuned to the majority opinion of Mr. Justice Peckham in
that case.
- As in Lochner and similar cases applying substantive due process
standards to economic and social welfare legislation, the adoption of
the compelling state interest standard will inevitably require this
Court to examine the legislative policies and pass on the wisdom of
these policies in the very process of deciding whether a particular
state interest put forward may or may not be "compelling."
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- The decision here to break pregnancy into three distinct terms and to
outline the permissible restrictions the State may impose in each one,
for example, partakes more of judicial legislation than it does of a
determination of the intent of the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment.
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- The fact that a majority of the States reflecting, after all, the
majority sentiment in those States, have had restrictions on abortions
for at least a century is a strong indication, it seems to me, that the
asserted right to an abortion is not "so rooted in the traditions
and conscience of our people as to be ranked as fundamental."
- Even today, when society's views on abortion are changing, the very
existence of the debate is evidence that the "right" to an
abortion is not so universally accepted as the appellant would have us
believe.
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- To reach its result, the Court necessarily has had to find within the
scope of the Fourteenth Amendment a right that was apparently completely
unknown to the drafters of the Amendment.
- There apparently was no question concerning the validity of this
provision or of any of the other state statutes when the Fourteenth
Amendment was adopted.
- The only conclusion possible from this history is that the drafters did
not intend to have the Fourteenth Amendment withdraw from the States the
power to legislate with respect to this matter.
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