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1
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- This case presents the question of the constitutionality [under the
doctrine of separation of powers] of the independent counsel provisions
of the Ethics in Government Act of 1978 (Act).
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2
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- The Judiciary Committee's Report suggested that an official of the
Attorney General's Office (appellee Olson) had given false testimony
during the earlier EPA investigation, and that two other officials of
that Office (appellees Schmults and Dinkins) had obstructed the EPA
investigation by wrongfully withholding certain documents.
- It arose when the House Judiciary Committee began an investigation into
the Justice Department's role in a controversy between the House and the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) with regard to the Agency's
limited production of certain documents that had been subpoenaed during
an earlier House investigation.
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3
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- Briefly stated, Title VI of the Ethics in Government Act allows for the
appointment of an "independent counsel" to investigate and, if
appropriate, prosecute certain high-ranking Government officials for
violations of federal criminal laws.
- The Act requires the Attorney General, upon receipt of information that
he determines is "sufficient to constitute grounds to investigate
whether any person [covered by the Act] may have violated any Federal
criminal law," to conduct a preliminary investigation of the
matter. When the Attorney General has completed this
investigation, or 90 days has elapsed, he is required to report to a
special court (the Special Division) created by the Act "for the
purpose of appointing independent counsels."
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4
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- If the Attorney General determines that "there are no reasonable
grounds to believe that further investigation is warranted," then
he must notify the Special Division of this result. In such a case,
"the division of the court shall have no power to appoint an
independent counsel." 592(b)(1).
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5
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- If, however, the Attorney General has determined that there are
"reasonable grounds to believe that further investigation or
prosecution is warranted," then he "shall apply to the
division of the court for the appointment of an independent
counsel."
- The Attorney General's application to the court "shall contain
sufficient information to assist the [court] in selecting an independent
counsel and in defining that independent counsel's prosecutorial
jurisdiction." Upon receiving this application, the Special
Division "shall appoint an appropriate independent counsel and
shall define that independent counsel's prosecutorial
jurisdiction."
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6
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- This case presents the question of the constitutionality of the
independent counsel provisions of the Ethics in Government Act of 1978
(Act). It arose when the House Judiciary Committee began an
investigation into the Justice Department's role in a controversy
between the House and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) with
regard to the Agency's limited production of certain documents that had
been subpoenaed during an earlier House investigation.
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7
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- The Judiciary Committee's Report suggested that an official of the
Attorney General's Office (appellee Olson) had given false testimony
during the earlier EPA investigation, and that two other officials of
that Office (appellees Schmults and Dinkins) had obstructed the EPA
investigation by wrongfully withholding certain documents
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8
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- A copy of the Report was forwarded to the Attorney General with a
request, pursuant to the Act, that he seek appointment of an independent
counsel to investigate the allegations against appellees.
- Ultimately, pursuant to the Act's provisions, the Special Division (a
special court created by the Act) appointed appellant [Morrison] as
independent counsel with respect to Olson only, and gave her
jurisdiction to investigate whether Olson's testimony, or any other
matter related thereto, violated federal law, and to prosecute any
violations.
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9
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- When a dispute arose between independent counsel and the Attorney
General, who refused to furnish as "related matters" the
Judiciary Committee's allegations against Schmults and Dinkins, the
Special Division ruled that its grant of jurisdiction to counsel was
broad enough to permit inquiry into whether Olson had conspired with
others, including Schmults and Dinkins, to obstruct the EPA
investigation.
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10
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- Appellant [Morrison] then caused a grand jury to issue subpoenas on
appellees [Olson et al], who moved in Federal District Court to quash
the subpoenas, claiming that the Act's independent counsel provisions
were unconstitutional and that appellant accordingly had no authority to
proceed.
- The court upheld the Act's constitutionality, denied the motions, and
later ordered that appellees be held in contempt for continuing to
refuse to comply with the subpoenas. The Court of Appeals reversed,
holding that the Act violated the Appointments Clause of the
Constitution, Art. II, 2, cl. 2; the limitations of Article III; and the
principle of separation of powers by interfering with the President's
authority under Article II.
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11
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REHNQUIST, C. J.,
delivered the opinion of the Court, in which BRENNAN, WHITE, MARSHALL,
BLACKMUN, STEVENS, and O'CONNOR, JJ., joined.
SCALIA, J., filed a dissenting opinion,
- It does not violate the Appointments Clause for Congress to vest the
appointment of independent counsel in the Special Division [Article III
court].
- .
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12
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- Appellant is an "inferior" officer for purposes of the Clause,
which - after providing for the appointment of certain federal officials
("principal" officers) by the President with the Senate's
advice and consent - states that "the Congress may by Law vest the
Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the
President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of
Departments."
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13
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- The independent counsel is inferior to the Attorney General, and has
limited jurisdicton and powers. The office is temporary in the sense
that an independent counsel is appointed essentially to accomplish a
single task, and when that task is over the office is terminated, either
by counsel herself or by action of the Special Division.
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14
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- Unlike both Bowsher and Myers, this case does not involve an attempt by
Congress itself to gain a role in the removal of executive officials
other than its established powers of impeachment and conviction.
- The Act instead puts the removal power squarely in the hands of the
Executive Branch; an independent counsel may be removed from office,
"only by the personal action of the Attorney General, and only for
good cause." 596(a)(1). 23
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15
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- There is no requirement of congressional approval of the Attorney
General's removal decision, though the decision is subject to judicial
review. 596(a)(3).
- In our view, the removal provisions of the Act make this case more
analogous to Humphrey's Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935),
and Wiener v. United States, 357 U.S. 349 (1958), than to Myers or
Bowsher
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16
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- Two Terms ago we had occasion to consider whether it was consistent with
the separation of powers for Congress to pass a statute that authorized
a Government official who is removable only by Congress to participate
in what we found to be "executive powers." Bowsher v. Synar, 478
U.S. 714, 730 (1986).
- We held in Bowsher that "Congress cannot reserve for itself the
power of removal of an officer charged with the execution of the laws
except by impeachment."
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17
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- A primary antecedent for this ruling was our 1926 decision in Myers v.
United States, 272 U.S. 52 . Myers had considered the propriety of a
federal statute by which certain postmasters of the United States could
be removed by the President only "by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate."
- There too, Congress' attempt to involve itself in the removal of an
executive official was found to be sufficient grounds to render the
statute invalid.
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18
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- As we observed in Bowsher, the essence of the decision in Myers was the
judgment that the Constitution prevents Congress from "draw[ing] to
itself . . . the power to remove or the right to participate in the
exercise of that power. To do this would be to go beyond the words and
implications of the [Appointments Clause] and to infringe the
constitutional principle of the separation of governmental powers."
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19
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- We undoubtedly did rely on the terms "quasi-legislative" and
"quasi-judicial" to distinguish the officials involved in
Humphrey's Executor and Wiener from those in Myers, but our present
considered view is that the determination of whether the Constitution
allows Congress to impose a "good cause"-type restriction on
the President's power to remove an official cannot be made to turn on
whether or not that official is classified as "purely
executive."
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20
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- The analysis contained in our removal cases is designed not to define
rigid categories of those officials who may or may not be removed at
will by the President, but to ensure that Congress does not interfere
with the President's exercise of the "executive power" and his
constitutionally appointed duty to "take care that the laws be
faithfully executed" under Article II.
- Myers was undoubtedly correct in its holding, and in its broader
suggestion that there are some "purely executive" officials
who must be removable by the President at will if he is to be able to
accomplish his constitutional role.
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21
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- At the other end of the spectrum from Myers, the characterization of the
agencies in Humphrey's Executor and Wiener as
"quasi-legislative" or "quasi-judicial" in large
part reflected our judgment that it was not essential to the President's
proper execution of his Article II powers that these agencies be headed
up by individuals who were removable at will.
- We do not mean to suggest that an analysis of the functions served by
the officials at issue is irrelevant. But the real question is whether
the removal restrictions are of such a nature that they impede the
President's ability to perform his constitutional duty, and the
functions of the officials in question must be analyzed in that light.
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22
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- Considering for the moment the "good cause" removal provision
in isolation from the other parts of the Act at issue in this case, we
cannot say that the imposition of a "good cause" standard for
removal by itself unduly trammels on executive authority.
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23
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- There is no real dispute that the functions performed by the independent
counsel are "executive" in the sense that they are law
enforcement functions that typically have been undertaken by officials
within the Executive Branch.
- As we noted above, however, the independent counsel is an inferior
officer under the Appointments Clause, with limited jurisdiction and
tenure and lacking policymaking or significant administrative authority.
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24
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- There is no merit to appellees' argument that, even if appellant is an
"inferior" officer, the Clause does not empower Congress to
place the power to appoint such an officer outside the Executive Branch
- that is, to make "interbranch appointments."
- The Clause's language as to "inferior" officers admits of no
limitation on interbranch appointments, but instead seems clearly to
give Congress significant discretion to determine whether it is
"proper" to vest the appointment of, for example, executive
officials in the "courts of Law."
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25
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- The powers vested in the Special Division do not violate Article III,
under which executive or administrative duties of a nonjudicial nature
may not be imposed on judges holding office under Article III.
- There can be no Article III objection to the Special Division's exercise
of the power, under the Act, to appoint independent counsel, since the
power itself derives from the Appointments Clause, a source of authority
for judicial action that is independent of Article III. Moreover, the
Division's Appointments Clause powers encompass the power to define the
independent counsel's jurisdiction.
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26
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- Article III does not absolutely prevent Congress from vesting certain
miscellaneous powers in the Special Division under the Act. One purpose
of the broad prohibition upon the courts' exercise of executive or
administrative duties of a non-judicial nature is to maintain the
separation between the Judiciary and the other branches of the Federal
Government by ensuring that judges do not encroach upon executive or
legislative authority or undertake tasks that are more properly
accomplished by those branches.
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27
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- Here, the Division's miscellaneous powers - such as the passive powers
to "receive" (but not to act on or specifically approve)
various reports from independent counsel or the Attorney General - do
not encroach upon the Executive Branch's authority. The Act
simply does not give the Division power to "supervise" the
independent counsel in the exercise of counsel's investigative or
prosecutorial authority.
- And, the functions that the Division is empowered to perform are not
inherently "Executive," but are directly analogous to
functions that federal judges perform in other contexts.
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28
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- The Special Division's power to terminate an independent counsel's
office when counsel's task is completed - although
"administrative" to the extent that it requires the Division
to monitor the progress of counsel's proceedings and to decide whether
counsel's job is "completed" - is not such a significant
judicial encroachment upon executive power or upon independent counsel's
prosecutorial discretion as to require that the Act be invalidated as
inconsistent with Article III.
- The Act's termination provisions do not give the Division anything
approaching the power to remove the counsel while an investigation or
court proceeding is still underway - this power is vested solely in the
Attorney General.
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29
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- The Act, taken as a whole, does not violate the principle of separation
of powers by unduly interfering with the Executive Branch's role.
- This case does not involve an attempt by Congress to increase its own
powers at the expense of the Executive Branch.
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30
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- The Act does empower certain Members of Congress to request the Attorney
General to apply for the appointment of an independent counsel, but the
Attorney General has no duty to comply with the request, although he
must respond within a certain time limit.
- Other than that, Congress' role under the Act is limited to receiving
reports or other information and to oversight of the independent
counsel's activities, functions that have been recognized generally as
being incidental to the legislative function of Congress.
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31
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- Similarly, the Act does not work any judicial usurpation of properly
executive functions.
- Nor does the Act impermissibly undermine the powers of the Executive
Branch, or disrupt the proper balance between the coordinate branches by
preventing the Executive Branch from accomplishing its constitutionally
assigned functions.
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32
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- Even though counsel is to some degree "independent" and free
from Executive Branch supervision to a greater extent than other federal
prosecutors, the Act gives the Executive Branch sufficient control over
the independent counsel to ensure that the President is able to perform
his constitutionally assigned duties.
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33
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- It is the proud boast of our democracy that we have "a government
of laws and not of men." Many Americans are familiar with that
phrase; not many know its derivation. It comes from Part the First,
Article XXX, of the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, which reads in
full as follows:
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34
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- "In the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department
shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of
them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial
powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the
legislative and executive powers, or either of them: to the end it may
be a government of laws and not of men."
- The Framers of the Federal Constitution similarly viewed the principle
of separation of powers as the absolutely central guarantee of a just
Government
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35
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- the Founders conspicuously and very consciously declined to sap the
Executive's strength in the same way they had weakened the Legislature:
by dividing the executive power. Proposals to have multiple executives,
or a council of advisers with separate authority were rejected.
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36
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- Thus, while "[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted shall be
vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a
Senate and House of Representatives," U.S. Const., Art. I, 1
(emphasis added), "[t]he executive Power shall be vested in a
President of the United States,"
- Art. II, 1, cl. 1 (emphasis added). That is what this suit is about.
Power. The allocation of power among Congress, the President, and the
courts in such fashion as to preserve the equilibrium the Constitution
sought to establish - so that "a gradual concentration of the
several powers in the same department," Federalist No. 51, (J.
Madison), can effectively be resisted.
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37
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- The Court concedes that "[t]here is no real dispute that the
functions performed by the independent counsel are `executive',"
though it qualifies that concession by adding "in the sense that
they are law enforcement functions that typically have been undertaken
by officials within the Executive Branch."
- Governmental investigation and prosecution of crimes is a
quintessentially executive function.
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38
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- As for the second question, whether the statute before us deprives the
President of exclusive control over that quintessentially executive
activity: The Court does not, and could not possibly, assert that it
does not. That is indeed the whole object of the statute.
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39
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- Besides weakening the Presidency by reducing the zeal of his staff, it
must also be obvious that the institution of the independent counsel
enfeebles him more directly in his constant confrontations with
Congress, by eroding his public support.
- Nothing is so politically effective as the ability to charge that one's
opponent and his associates are not merely wrongheaded, naive,
ineffective, but, in all probability, "crooks." And nothing so
effectively gives an appearance of validity to such charges as a Justice
Department investigation and, even better, prosecution.
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40
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- Under our system of government, the primary check against prosecutorial
abuse is a political one. The prosecutors who exercise this awesome
discretion are selected and can be removed by a President, whom the
people have trusted enough to elect. Moreover, when crimes are not
investigated and prosecuted fairly, nonselectively, with a reasonable
sense of proportion, the President pays the cost in political damage to
his administration.
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