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- AMONG the numerous advantages
promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more
accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence
of faction.
- The friend of popular governments
never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as
when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice.
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2
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- By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a
majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some
common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of
other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the
community.
- There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by
removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.
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3
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- There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction:
- the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence;
- the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same
passions, and the same interests.
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4
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- It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was
worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an
aliment without which it instantly expires.
- But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to
political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish
the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it
imparts to fire its destructive agency.
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5
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- The second expedient is as impracticable as the first would be unwise.
As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to
exercise it, different opinions will be formed.
- The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property
originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of
interests.
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6
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- The protection of these faculties is the first object of government.
- From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring
property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property
immediately results;
- and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the
respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different
interests and parties.
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7
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- The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we
see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity,
according to the different circumstances of civil society.
- A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning
government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of
practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for
pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose
fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn,
divided mankind into parties
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8
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- But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various
and unequal distribution of property.
- Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed
distinct interests in society.
- Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like
discrimination.
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9
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- A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a
moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in
civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by
different sentiments and views.
- The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the
principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party
and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government.
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10
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- It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust
these clashing interests, and render them all subservient to the public
good.
- Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm.
- The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction
cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of
controlling its effects.
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11
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- If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the
republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister
views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse
the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence
under the forms of the Constitution.
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12
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- When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular
government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling
passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other
citizens.
- To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such
a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of
popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are
directed.
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13
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- By what means is this object [to secure the public good and private
rights against the danger of a faction] attainable? Evidently by one of
two only.
- Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at
the same time must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent
passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local
situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of
oppression.
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14
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- it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society
consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer
the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of
faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be
felt by a majority of the whole
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15
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- A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of
representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the
cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it
varies from pure democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of
the cure and the efficacy which it must derive from the Union.
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16
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- The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic
are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small
number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of
citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be
extended.
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17
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- [A Republic refines and enlarges] the public views, by passing them
through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best
discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and
love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or
partial considerations.
- Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice,
pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant
to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened
for the purpose.
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- On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers,
of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by
corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then
betray the interests, of the people.
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- The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more
favorable to the election of proper guardians of the public weal; and it
is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations:
- In the first place, it is to be remarked that, however small the
republic may be, the representatives must be raised to a certain number,
in order to guard against the cabals of a few [and a large republic will
have larger legislative bodies that will be a bulwark against factions].
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- In the next place, as each representative will be chosen by a greater
number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be
more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the
vicious arts by which elections are too often carried;
- and the suffrages of the people being more free, will be more likely to
centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most
diffusive and established characters.
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- The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and
extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of
republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance
principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in
the former than in the latter.
- The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties
and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and
interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same
party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority,
and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more
easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression.
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- Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has
over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a
large over a small republic, -- is enjoyed by the Union over the States
composing it.
- The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their
particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration
through the other States.
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23
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- A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of
the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face
of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that
source.
- A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division
of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less
apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of
it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a
particular county or district, than an entire State.
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